
One of those nice expressions the French have is: "Voilà un homme!" Meaning "Now there's a ballsy fella!" or "Ese hombre tiene cojones!" depending on whether you live north or south of the Bush Border Fence. It's been ten years since Tony Blair first set foot in Downing Street 10 and he certainly left his mark, so much that the quiet way he slipped away last Wednesday came as an anticlimax. In his place has come Gordon Brown, a Scotsman and Blairs Chancellor of the Exchequer - in the UK something like a Super Minister responsible for Finance, Economy, Budget and Treasury - during three Labour governments. If popular myth is to be believed, the two men arranged for the takeover thirteen years ago in the Granita restaurant in Islington, where they reportedly struck a deal in which Brown would stand aside for some time while the more charismatic Blair would win over Middle Englands crucial swing voters. The bold goal was to end 15 years of Tory rule, first under Margaret Thatcher and then under John Mayor. The agreement would have promised Brown unparalleled power over domestic policy as Chancellor, should Labour win the 1997 elections, and, "at some future date", the premiership itself. Whether or not this story is true, that day has now come.
At first sight the Blair years meant ten years of socialist rule over Britain, but in many respects Blair has been a socialist the way Joe Lieberman has been a Democrat. Already prior to Labour chasing the Tories from power, there was an expression in the UK which went that "I am Tony Blair, MP" in reality meant "I am Tory, Plan B". Interesting is also that young Blair, while a pupil in Choristers School, Durham, northern England, served as the Conservative candidate in a mock school election, and that his father Leo, who Tony named a son after, was Chairman of one of Durham's conservative associations. Certainly it is so that Tony Blair led the Labour Party away from its hard-left leanings towards a rather centrist course, earning his politico-economic philosophy the moniker "The Third Way" (although other, not necessarily comparable policies have also been called that way"). Blairs "Third Way" was a radical mix of free market and interventionist theories, rejecting both the pure laissez-faire aproach as old-school socialism with its nationalizations and massive redistribution schemes through heavy taxing. In fact, he had a clause referring to Labour's committment to "the common ownership of the means of production", read nationalization of key industries, scrapped from the party's constitution. Of course, it would be wrong to label him as a closet rightwinger - after all, the man was e.g. instrumental in developing a controversial Minimum Wage policy. And in the ethical field, he once even supported lowering the age of consent for gay sex to 16 (!), something not exactly jibing with his being a devout Christian. Which, btw, is yet another feature which made him stand out in Britains top leftwing spheres.
But taking it all together, ten years of "socialist" Blair rule over the British Isles hardly compares to socialist rule on the Continent. True, public spending has increased sharply, especially in the fields of Health Care and Education - but at the same time Blairs government has introduced market based reforms in these areas. And, all that extra money did buy something: shorter hospital wait times, better care through tens of thousands more of doctors, nurses and teachers, and a tuition scheme that has put Britains universities on a better financial footing. Economic growth has been sound, though not spectacular, on average some 2.5% per year. However, it was steady, and in fact "The Blair Years" marked the longest uninterrupted period of economic growth in 200 years. Of course, some will say this period of recovery started before the Blair/Gordon tandem, when John Major was PM and Kenneth Clarke Chancellor of the Exchequer, but the fact remains that at least the growth continued on a relatively stable level for ten years, which is an accomplishment in itself. One cannot deny that Blair (and Brown) proved themselves good, though probably boring, stewards of the economy.
In line with the importance the "Third Way" adheres to technological development, under Blair spending on scientific research tripled. Add to this - apart from the longest sustained period of economic growth in modern British history - low inflation, actually less spending on unemployment benefits AND all this while not (significantly) enhancing income taxes, and you begin to understand why the UK's Conservative Party has such a hard time re-establishing itself - New Labour fulfilled part of its agenda. Of course, one notices that the inflation graph to the left shows an upwards jerk over the past two years, but this has of course everything to do with the surging prices for energy and raw materials - we feel that just as well over here too.
In light of all this, it is perhaps remarkable that a man who is, apart from his being an able and efficient statesman, by his very nature an amiable person, towards the end seemed to have lost all this credit on account of just one decision. Naturally, we are talking here about his decision to ally himself unconditionally with President Bush and his Middle East initiative, the toppling of Saddam Hussein and the enforcing of democracy with arms. Time will tell Bush's decision was the right one, and in time too, historians will merely be able to confirm that. Ergo, many years ahead from now Blair, without the alleged "stain" of the Iraq "adventure", and with basically only positive accomplishments to be remembered, will be judged much more favorably than today. And then we haven't even talked about that fitting end to his career as PM, the Northern Ireland Peace Deal. Personally, from the (limited) POV of a foreigner, I have but one caveat concerning Blair rule, and that's his government decade-long keeping the gates wide open for all kinds of immigrants, but especially those from muslim countries. Plus, of course, its apparent failure to deport any hate-inciting mad mullah on the first Hercules available to the hellhole he came from. A price will have to be paid for that - not all nightclub porters will see the smoke in time. Plus, creeping islamization does in fact not need carbombs at all. Mindless walking tents willing to breed like rabbits for their usurpers can do the trick too, in a matter of decades. By the time everyone realizes what a visionary Enoch Powell was, it may be far, far too late.In the here and now, however, Tony Blair has been succeeded by Gordon Brown. With regards to economic policy, not much change is to be expected, Brown in fact being the architect of much of the good work of the past ten years. David Cameron's Tories like to depict Brown as a more leftist Blair, but they forget that the two men long ago agreed on a Labour which should distance itself from the socialist dogmas. The reality is that the Blair AND Brown tandem not only gave free market mechanisms a "free" hand in the private sector, but that they ALSO introduced them in the public sector: the NHS, national security and even in jails (!). It is safe to say that under Brown, the days of John Smith and Neil Kinnock won't come back. Where Browns accents will differ from Blairs is in his approach to the EU though. Blair was pro-Europe, an advocate of more European integration beyond the economical aspects. Brown, on the other hand, is a staunch Euroskeptical: e.g., it was his work that Britain did not join the eurozone in 1999. So if there is more European integration in the coming years, it will be without the UK, at least as long as Gordon Brown rules.
Less change, if any at all, is to be expected with regards to the transatlantic relationship. Like Sarkozy in France, Brown is a great admirer of the US. And just like Blair, Brown sees a solid relationship with America as the cornerstone of the UK's foreign policy. It is therefore unlikely that Brown will suddenly downgrade the UK presence in Iraq or Afghanistan anytime soon. In short, Tony Blair may be gone, at least as PM, and many Americans may - will - remember him with fondness. But under his successor, the fabric of the US/UK alliance will remain strong.
And six years into the WOT, that is something to be grateful for.

MFBB.
To be sure, before 1936 it had had a pact of mutual assistance with France, but as the war clouds over Europe grew more menacing, and the French strategy seemed to be to wage the next war with Germany on Belgian rather than French soil, Belgium's government thought it wise to return to a policy of the strictest neutrality, to be safeguarded by the strongest army ever in Belgium's history. To this end, no less than 25% of the GDP was spent on military purposes, a figure nowadays belonging in the realm of phantasy. This surge in military funding had by early 1940 led to a total of 650,000 men under arms - an impressive number by any standard. The bulk of these served in the
Belgium did possess a small albeit not negligible armoured force at the outbreak of hostilities in 1939. Estimates place the number of Belgian (tracked) AFV's at around 278. However, their effect on combat operations was purely local since none were assigned to "true" armoured divisions. Instead, they were dispersed piecemeal among the infantry, cavalry and Chasseurs Ardennais divisions. Belgium's most potent AFV available in a comparatively significant number was the T-13 which, though it had a rotating turret, was a self-propelled gun rather than a tank. This gun, a caliber 47mm of Czech origin, was quite potent for its time and was also used widely throughout the Belgian army in its tracted version. The T-13's undercarriage was actually a Vickers-Carden-Loyd design, up-armoured and upgunned as a stop-gap measure to circumvent the politicians' decision not to buy, or build, actual Renault tanks (see later). As it was, almost 200 T-13's were built under licence by the Ateliers de Construction de Familleureux and the Miesse company at Buizingen.
Of course the T-13 was a diminutive vehicle, but so was the bulk of the Panzerwaffe, of which only a couple of hundreds were the heavier PzkW (Mark) IV type, which the T-13's gun was quite able to deal with. The majority of German tanks were the lightweight Mark I (armament only two machineguns!) and II types and the Mark III. The era of the German heavies, Panther and Tiger, still lay some three years into the future. It was tactics and concentration in armoured divisions which made the German tanks Kings of the Battlefield.
Despite some powerful voices like a De Gaulle in France and Liddell Hart and Fuller in Britain, French and British military thinking in the interbellum hadn't evolved much beyond the 1918 stage. It was with little imagination and even less attention for novel tactics that the military planners envisaged how the coming conflict with Germany would develop. In fact, generally it was assumed that the German offensive would be a simple copy of the Von Schlieffen Plan used in summer 1914, which had guided the mass of the German army over Belgian territory north of the Meuse river, thus avoiding the Ardennes Forest, towards the Borinage border region whence the major southern thrust towards Paris had been made. In fact, the first plan drafted by the German General Staff under Halder envisaged just that. But Hitler, not content with merely repeating Schlieffens "strong right one", wanted something else. And two field generals, Guderian and Von Manstein, did come up with something else: while the "classic" approach opposite Liège would go through, as it had in 1914, the real knockout would be delivered by two Panzer groups consisting of a large number of armored divisions. These Panzer Groups would - and herein lay the novelty - attack right through the Ardennes Forest, deemed impenetrable for tanks. Once on the other side and across the Meuse/Maas river, they would move as fast as they could towards the coast in a wide arc roughly following the Franco-Belgian border, thus trapping the French and British armies, coming to the rescue of the Low Countries, in a gigantic bag. This manoeuvre was the famous "Sichelschnitt" move.



Thus ended the first two crucial days of the War in the West. In the north, Von Kuechlers 18th Army had succesfully invaded The Netherlands. In the centre, Von Reichenau's 6th Army had cracked the Maas/Meuse defence. And in the Ardennes, the entire Army Gropu "A", consisting of 15th Panzer Corps under Hoth, 41st under Reinhardt, and 19th under Guderian, were advancing like a whirlwind through the rugged woods, deemed impenetrable for tanks. They were pushing aside the thin screen of Belgian Chasseurs Ardennais and French Cavalry troops and would soon reach the Meuse, Dinant and Sedan in a broad, southwesterly sweeping manoeuvre (blue arrow). One hundred and fifty kilometers to the west, the British Expeditionary Force and the French armies of the north, crossed into Belgium along a northeasterly axis (dotted red arrows), thinking the main adversary was Reichenau's army. The Sichelschnitt was about to begin, and the harvest would be rich.
The big winners of the Sunday, June 10 elections are however not the Vlaams Belang in Flanders, nor the Front National in Wallonia. Instead, in Flanders the Christian Democrats (CD&V) of Yves Leterme, who is also Minister-President of the Flemish Region, won big, while in Wallonia - and this is extraordinary - the center-right Mouvement Réformateur (MR) of federal Finance Minister Didier Reynders finally de-throned the Parti Socialiste as Wallonia's biggest Party. The success of the Christian Democrats in Flanders is remarkable, given the fact that the grand majority of Flemings do not attend church anymore. Personally, I suspect that after eight years Verhofstadt, whereby the latter's once grandiose visions for a model state all too quickly watered down to a nightmare of even more pork barrel spending, spiced with gay marriage, gay adoption, municipal voting rights for non-Belgians, dhimmitude vis-à-vis an ever more radicalizing muslim community, and steeply rising criminiality, people just had enough of it. But instead of opting for the VB, many Flemings, perhaps not surprisingly, chose for the more boring alternative.
Internationally, Belgium may (finally) follow the rest of the European countries in abandoning the virulent anti-Americanism so characteristic for European politics only three years ago. Gradually, European voters turn away from socialism, and with their departure a new era of cooperation with the US becomes possible. In this light, it is perhaps telling that the second man of the Flemish Christian Democrats, Pieter De Crem, has, shortly before the elections, spoken out in favor of "more risky operations" for the Belgian Army. This may very well be interpreted as a more active involvement in the WOT. It is about time. For eight long years, the Belgian Army has been mismanaged to an unprecedented extent by a Defense Minister of the Parti Socialiste, André Flahaut, and anno 2007 the Belgian Army is on the brink of collapse. It is this Pieter De Crem who last spring announced in Parliament that "André Flahaut is the biggest disaster happening to the Belgian Army since the defeat against the Germans in 1940." And about two months ago, shaken by the umpteenth Flahaut blunder, he even exclaimed, trembling with rage, in full Parliament, "that he would make sure that Flahaut would never again be Secretary of Defense". By God, do I hope so. Civilized countries should have written it in their constitution that a socialist can never be Secetary of Defense. It's akin to appointing Naomi Klein for Fed Chairman. Worse. Ask the Israelis.
As for the first round of France's parliamentary elections, also on June 10,
For Filip Dewinter, VB-strongman and leader of the VB faction in the Flemish Parliament, it was business as usual again last week, i.e. a full frontal bashfest from the well-meaning community, politicians and media alike, in this country. What had happened? On Wednesday, he hung a sign reading "Zonder Jihad Straat" - No Jihad Street - on a lamppost on the Turnhoutsebaan in Borgerhout, an Antwerp suburb. Normally I would not have commented on this, but since I picked it up at several English-spoken websites -
In fall 2006, a subsequent initiative was organized, a "Zonder Haat Straat" pamphlet campaign whereby supporters hang such a sign - you guess it, it says "No Hate Street" - behind their windows. Here, too, the idea was and is to discredit the VB by suggesting the party is inciting "Haat" - hate. Hate between the different communities, while the VB is basically only demanding that immigrants abide the law.
Fiftly, and this starts with a flying pig moment, the socialist mayor of Antwerp, Patrick Janssens, is, for the moment at least, pushing through his plans to forbid town personnel of wearing religious symbols. There is no problem with Christians wearing small crosses, nor with (the very few) jews wearing yarmulkes. There is however a HUGE problem with islamic female town personnel wearing headscarves. Instead of doing like all the rest, they are organizing protests, supported, foolishly enough, by a group of artists, leftists and feminists(!), which set up the action BOEH (
Where was I? Oh yeah, abortioning feminists who labored their entire lives for liberating themselves from the tiranny of their western men and who now fight for the plight of their breeding like rabbits islamic sisters, living pleasant lives under the benign guidance of their muslim men. Anyway, the headscarves controverse is getting very hot, what with the June 10 Parliamentary elections and all, and on May 30, a group of 6 female politicians of islamic background, none of them wearing headscarves, organized an election debate in the Brede IMS School along the... Turnhoutsebaan in Borgerhout. It is a girl's school, and a frightening number of pupils are muslim and wearing headscarves. Many, if not most, indigenous girls have already left. The glorious multiculturalism is a bit too much of a sour apple to bite through, especially if one of the cultures has no interest in multiculturalism. One of the six politicas was Mimount Bousakla, until recently belonging to the socialist party but now member of a centre-rightwing (!) splinter party. Mrs. Bousakla is the muslim politician 

The advance through Belgium was no milkrun for the Germans. The photo shows a destroyed 
On May 17, tanks 829 and 833 were sent to Kapelle-op-den-Bos to back up a regiment of cyclists. At around 3pm, they encountered the advance guard of the German 192nd Infantry Regiment. Tank 829, with adjutant Pulings as commander, destroyed a PaK (PanzerabwehrKanone) antitank gun but was then hit itself by a 37mm antitank round, which instantly killed the gunner, Albert Coffez, and gravely wounded the driver, Albert Lutin. Tank 833 (Dumoulin) then destroyed the Pak gun, but had to withdraw shortly thereafter since its turret jammed. In the engagement, the Germans also lost the commanding officer of the 2nd Battalion/192nd Infantry Regiment, Major Kessler.



The photo shows the bodies of two soldiers of 31st Linieregiment, who fell defending the railway dyke in Passendale, a locality (in)famous for its WWI past. In case you look for the second one, his helmeted head is visible just across the first man's shoulder. It's not that I take pleasure in posting pictures like this. I'm not a war junkie. In many ways, I'm a family man, and I enjoy being with my wife and kids. My activities are basically peaceful, if you discount the occasional leftist bashing. But the question is: are these soldiers, and indeed their families, served better if the final testimony of their presence on this earth - call it essence, if you want - remained shelved in some dusty archive for eternity, only to be glanced at every couple of years by some history student doing research? Once these two men were human beings who very likely enjoyed life just as much as I do. Men with names, men with an identity, men who fancied a drink now and then with their mates, dated girls they had passionately fallen in love with, or went home after work to enjoy the evening meal with their spouse and offspring. Maybe they were Karel and Geert, or Dirk and Albert, or Gerard and Johan. Maybe they were from Oudenaarde, maybe from Roeselare, maybe from Mechelen, Huy or Mons. I suppose there's no way I'll ever know. But whoever they were, wherever they came from, they saw themselves placed between the people they had to defend and a ruthless invader... and took up the fight, despite the odds. They were no exceptions.
The purpose of the journey was to establish contacts and have talks with equal minded politicians, opinion makers, organizations and think tanks. The conservative movement is still the most powerful political movement in the US. That fact alone justifies the trip to the US to clarify the goals of the Vlaams Belang, and to highlight the political prosecution in Belgium and the lack of freedom of speech in Europe. On top of the agenda stood the immigration problem - in particular the islamization of Europe - and promoting Flemish independence. Of course the Vlaams Belang has for years tried to get these views known to a wider public through, amongst others, our English-language newsletter The Flemish Republic, but it was felt that there was a need for more direct and closer contacts.
Party Chairman and European MP Frank Vanhecke and fraction leader in the Flemish Parliament Filip Dewinter first addressed the influential Wednesday Meeting. This group was established by conservative activist Grover Norquist of "Americans for Tax Reform" shortly after Bill Clinton was elected president in 1992. When Hillary Clinton in 1998 dubbed her husband's political enemies as a "vast rightwing conspiracy" she undoubtedly also had the Wesnesday Meeting on her mind. Their weekly meetings are meant to coordinate the conservatives' activities and strategies. The day after the delegation was awaited by Guy Vanderjagt, a former Republican member of Congress from Michigan - with Dutch roots - for a visit to the Capitol. After viewing the House of Representatives and the Senate some talks were held in Capitol Hill Club where Republicans meet.



The horrible Chirac Era is over. 
